10 May 1998
Ard Chomhairle paper to 1998 Sinn Fein Ard Fheis
This paper from the Ard Chomhairle puts in political context their two emergency motions which appear on the clár.
Resolution Number 1
Sinn Fein's primary political objective is the unity and independence of Ireland as a sovereign state and nation. We seek an end to partition and British rule in Ireland and an end to the conflict and divisions that have resulted. These democratic goals remain our primary objectives. In the period ahead, we will continue to pursue them with determination.
Sinn Fein's peace strategy has been the engine for change. Through this we have sought to create a dynamic for change which is irreversible. Our strategic objectives have been the guide for this.
A transitional process, with the necessary dynamic, could provide a pragmatic route to Irish Unity and Independence, but only if the momentum for such progress is stronger than the resistance to it. This is the context in which we have assessed the Good Friday document.
In all of this we need to be aware that a stronger electoral mandate would conceivably have effected the outcome of the talks in any number of ways. We need to learn the lesson of that. We need to build on our electoral mandate to shape the many negotiations that challenge us in the future.
It is important that we realise that the peace process is not concluded. The Good Friday document is not a political settlement. When set in the context of our strategy, tactics and goals the Good Friday document is a basis for further progress and advancement of our struggle. It is another staging post on the road to a peace settlement. The Peace Process will continue as we seek to advance our political objectives and nationalist rights and entitlements.
The Good Friday document does not go as far as we would have liked at this time but it is, clearly transitional. It heralds major change to the status quo. It weakens the union. It is all-Ireland in character. It promotes conditions for advancing the equality, rights and justice agendas. It can be a basis for pushing forward national and democratic objectives. In short, it allows us to move our struggle into a new and potentially more productive phase. This presents challenges to all sides including Sinn FÈin but shirking challenge is no part of our make up. Presenting others with democratic challenges certainly is.
The institutions described in the Good Friday document are dependant upon the political will to see them work and develop as envisaged in the proposals. The major responsibility lies with the British government because it must face up to righting the wrongs that are the historical and contemporary legacy of Britain's involvement in our affairs.
The UUP has come to the Good Friday document very reluctantly. Sinn Fein's assessment of the potential for progress is therefore tempered by the knowledge that the UUP approach has, up to this point been purely tactical, designed to slow the forward momentum and to minimise change. Sinn Fein is mindful that the same tactical approach by unionism would produce gridlock and consequent collapse. Despite this, but conscious of it, we are prepared to approach the operation of all these interlocking institutions positively.
It is also our view that the potential of the Good Friday document will only be fully developed if Sinn Fein remains at the centre of the political debate. We can only do this through a direct involvement and participation in all the structures outlined in the proposals. We should not allow ourselves to be isolated or excluded by our opponents who are apprehensive that the dynamic of Irish republicanism will continue to act as an engine for change and progress. Most importantly we should not inflict this isolation on ourselves.
The Ard Chomhairle is proposing that the party constitution be amended to enable Sinn Fein candidates to stand in the elections on the basis of participation in the assembly, both as a way of ensuring maximum republican and nationalist representation on the North/South Council and with the objective of expanding the all-Ireland structures.
This attendance policy will be underpinned by a strategy as directed by the Ard Chomhairle. It will be based upon our strategic objectives and our political goals and will be subject to regular review. Like all Sinn Fein strategies this attendance strategy will be wedded to others, e.g. mobilisations, campaigning, the international dimension and the need to build a 32 county struggle.
Accordingly this Ard Fheis agrees to amend the Sinn Fein Constitution to enable successful Sinn Fein candidates to participate in elected institutions on the island of Ireland.
Therefore sections 1b, 1f, 5 and 6 of Sinn Fein'sConstitution and Rules as amended will now read as follows;
Sinn Fein Constitution and Rules. (Sections 1b, 1f,5 and 6) as amended.
1. Membership.
(b) No person who is a member of any political party organisation or who approves of or supports the candidature of persons who, if elected, intend taking part in the proceedings of the Westminster parliament, or who approves of or supports the candidature of persons who sign any form or give any kind of written or verbal undertaking of intention to take their seats in this institution, shall be admitted to membership or allowed to retain membership.
(f) No member of the British armed forces shall be eligible for membership.
No person who has taken any oath of allegiance to the Westminster parliament shall be eligible for membership so long as he/she retains the office or position involving such oaths or until he/she repudiates the oath of declaration in writing to a cumann.
5. Sinn Fein candidates in Westminster Parliamentary elections shall, on selection and before nomination, publicly and solemnly pledge themselves, as follows: - ``I ............................ freely and solemnly declare:
``a That, if elected, I will not sit in, nor take part in, the proceedings of the Westminster Parliament.
``b That, pending the establishment of the parliament of the Irish Republic, in all matters pertaining to the duties and functions of an elected representative I will be guided by and hold myself amenable to all directions and instructions issued to me by the Ard Chomhairle of Sinn FÈin.
``c That, pending the establishment of the parliament of the Irish Republic, I will, at any time, if called upon to do so by a majority of the members of the Ard Chomhairle of Sinn FÈin, resign my seat as an elected representative of the constituency of ...................................... .
``d That I take this pledge voluntarily, of my own free will''.
That Sinn Fein candidates will take pledges 5b, 5c and 5d.
6 The Ard Chomhairle must ratify all candidates selected to contest elections.... .
Ard Chomhairle Emergency Resolution Number 2
Sinn Fein does not believe that the referendums constitute the exercise of national self determination. Nevertheless they are a significant development which we come to in a positive way.
There are elements in both referendums that present difficulties for some republicans and nationalists. Sinn Fein has made it clear that it is not opposed to changes in the Irish Constitution but there is real and justified concern at the changes to Articles 2 & 3 of the Irish Constitution. Sinn Fein opposes changes that would dilute the definition of the territory of the nation, weaken the imperative to unity or dilute the citizenship rights in the north and incorporate the `consent' clause. Sinn Fein does not accept the legitimacy of the six county statelet.
It is important therefore that the proposed changes be examined in the overall context of the Good Friday document and in the light of implications for the future.
However we must not ignore the amendment to Article 29, which inserts the constitutional provision for the establishment of the North/South bodies, which allows for the actuality of right to jurisdiction in the North. This is, for the first time, a practical and constitutional assertion of the Irish government's right to exercise authority throughout the island of Ireland. The effective operation of a North/South Council with policy making and implementation powers and structures represents effectively the exercise of joint authority in the areas for which the North/South Council has responsibility.
We should also note that what is proposed in the change to Article 2 will confirm a constitutional right to Irish citizenship for the people in the Six-Counties. Creating a momentum towards democracy places a huge responsibility upon the Irish Government that must represent the national interest in the course of seeking Irish Unity.
As is already clear, the Good Friday document is not a political settlement. As outlined above, Sinn Fein comes to this process in a positive and constructive mode in order to move our struggle into a new and potentially more productive phase and also to bring the peace process as quickly as possible to a democratic peace settlement. We have made it clear that we reject a Unionist veto and that we seek an end to Partition and British rule in our country. In the pursuit of Irish Unity our party leadership is united in exploring the potential of elements of the Good Friday paper.
Our struggle goes on. While we understand and appreciate the difficulty that the following recommendation poses for some republicans who may wish to vote otherwise, the Ard Chomhairle in the context of our legitimate reservations calls for a Yes vote in the referendums North and South.